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Holtzmann's law : ウィキペディア英語版
Holtzmann's law
Holtzmann's law is a Proto-Germanic sound law originally noted by Adolf Holtzmann in 1838. It is also known by its traditional German name ''Verschärfung'' (literally: "sharpening"). (A similar sound law which has affected modern Faroese, called ''skerping'' in Faroese itself, is also known as "Faroese ''Verschärfung''" in English.)
The law involves the gemination, or doubling, of PIE semivowels (glides) ' and ' in strong prosodic positions into Proto-Germanic ' and ', which had two outcomes:
* hardening into occlusive onsets:
*
* '/' in North Germanic;
*
* '/' in East Germanic
* vocalization of the first semivowel, its addition to a diphthong, and division of the diphthong and remaining semivowel into two separate segments in West Germanic.
The process is brought about by the fact that vowels (or semivowels) in the syllable margin are invariably transformed into consonantal articulations.〔Natalie Operstein, ''Consonantal Structure and Prevocalization'' (John Benjamins, 2010), 91.〕
The conditions of the sound change were long debated, since there was a seemingly random distribution of affected and unaffected words. At first, dependence on word accent was assumed, parallel to Verner's Law. One currently accepted solution, first proposed by Smith (1941),〔Henry Lee Smith, Jr., ''The Verschärfung in Germanic'', Language 17 (1941), 93-9.〕 postulates dependency on the presence of a PIE laryngeal, which when lost, triggered lengthening as if the semivowels were vowels, and forced them into the syllable margin.
According to Lehmann (1955),〔Winfred P. Lehmann, ''Proto-Indo-European Phonology'' (1955), chapter 4: 'Lengthened /w/ and /y/ in the Gmc. Dialects'()〕 the lengthening occurs in the contexts of PIE ', ', ', ' (where ''V'' is any short vowel, and ''H'' is any laryngeal).
For example, PIE
*' → early Proto-Germanic
*''trewwjaz'' 'trustworthy, faithful' →:
*
*''triwwjaz'': Old Norse ''tryggr'', Gothic ''triggws''
*
*''triuwjaz'': Old English ''trēowe'', Old High German gi''triuwi''.
One instance where a laryngeal was never present is PIE
*''h₂ōwyóm'' 'egg', but after the loss of ', the ' shifted into the syllable margin, giving:
* with hardening:
*
*
*''ajjis'': Crimean Gothic ''ada'' (pl.) (
*''addi'' (sg.) <
*''ajjis'')
*
*
*''ajjaN'': Old Norse ''egg''
* with diphthongization:
*
*
*''aijaz'':〔The plurals OHG ''eigir'' and OE ''ǣgru'' exhibit an ''s''-stem; ().〕 German ''Ei'', Old English ''ǣġ''
== Alternative views ==
Some linguists (e.g. Joseph Voyles)〔Joseph B. Voyles, ''Early Germanic Grammar'' (San Diego: Harcourt Brace, 1992), 25-6.〕 hold that Holtzmann's Law represents two separate and independent sound changes, one applying to Gothic and another to Old Norse, rather than being a common innovation. This is supported by James Marchand's〔James Marchand, ''The Sounds and Phonemes of Wulfila's Gothic'', The Hague: Mouton (1973), 87.〕 observation that a Runic inscription (''niuwila'' on the Naesbjaerg bracteate of the 5th century) and an early loan into Finnic (
*''kuva'' 'picture', cf. Gothic ''skuggwa'' 'mirror', Old High German ''skūwo'' 'look') do not exhibit this change. If true, this would prevent Holtzmann's law being used as an example of early Gotho-Nordic unity, in which context it is often cited. Voyles's explanations of the changes do not involve laryngeal theory.

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